By Carolina Carl
In 1045, the northern Iberian Bishopric of Calahorra was once introduced again into being via Garc?a III of Navarre at the frontline of his increasing frontiers with Castile. at the dying of its 8th post-restoration bishop in 1190, all or a part of the territory of this, through then unmistakably Castilian, see had replaced palms a minimum of seven occasions among Navarre, Aragon, and Leon-Castile/Castile, as those emergent Christian kingdoms competed furiously over the Riojan frontier quarter that it occupied. This booklet, the 1st to supply a close exploration of 11th and 12th century Calahorra, examines the connection among the intense volatility of Calahorras political scenario and the peculiarities of the sees political and institutional improvement in the course of its first one hundred forty five years as a restored Iberian bishopric.
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Extra resources for A bishopric between three kingdoms: Calahorra, 1045-1190 (Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World)
48 As we have seen, Nájera was also strategically central to the Navarrese monarchy’s principal political concerns during this period. II, 14. II, 13. 9–10. 15–8. Indeed, García de Cortázar has identified the second half of the eleventh century as the Upper Rioja’s ‘agricultural golden age’, characterized by a merked increase in cultivation: José Ángel García de Cortázar, ‘La serna, una etapa del proceso de ocupación y explotación del espacio’, in: García de Cortázar, J. A. 113–125. 52 It is not surprising that Gómez’s links to Nájera, Navarre’s thriving capital, should have been significantly stronger.
She points out, however, that this royal charter has been preserved in a later copy, included in the monastery’s own cartulary, and would therefore have been eminently vulnerable to interpolation by cluniac scribes eager to emphasize the antiquity of Santa María la Real’s monastic credentials. She also points out that although Nájera’s foundation document does refer to a ‘regulari congregationi’ who would serve their church ‘regulariter’, nowhere is the Benedictine Rule, the introduction of which into Iberian monasteries in the mid-eleventh century was standard, specifically mentioned, and that it is therefore entirely plausible that the document in fact refers to a chapter of regular canons.
84 Like San Millán de la Cogolla, therefore, San Martín de Albelda’s political, economic, and religious regional dominance, as well as its ties to the bishops of the Rioja, were well established facts by the time Gómez became Bishop of Calahorra in 1045. II, 13. â•‡ Albelda’s foundation charter, which is dated January 5, 924, has been revealed to be a falsification, but other documents of the 920’s support the hypothesis that Sancho Garcés I of Navarre founded Albelda during the first half of that decade.