After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies by Glenn M. Schwartz, John J. Nichols

By Glenn M. Schwartz, John J. Nichols

From the Euphrates Valley to the southern Peruvian Andes, early complicated societies have risen and fallen, yet every so often they've got additionally been reborn. earlier archaeological research of those societies has targeted totally on emergence and cave in. this is often the 1st book-length paintings to ascertain the query of the way and why early complicated city societies have reappeared after classes of decentralization and collapse.

Ranging greatly around the close to East, the Aegean, East Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, those cross-cultural reports extend our figuring out of social evolution through studying how societies have been remodeled in the course of the interval of radical swap now termed “collapse.” They search to find how societal complexity reemerged, how second-generation states shaped, and the way those re-emergent states resembled or differed from the advanced societies that preceded them.

The participants draw on fabric tradition in addition to textual and ethnohistoric information to think about such components as preexistent associations, buildings, and ideologies which are influential in regeneration; monetary and political resilience; the position of social mobility, marginal teams, and peripheries; and ethnic switch. as well as proposing a few theoretical viewpoints, the members additionally suggest the explanation why regeneration occasionally doesn't happen after cave in. A concluding contribution by means of Norman Yoffee offers a serious exegesis of “collapse” and highlights very important styles present in the case histories on the topic of peripheral areas and secondary elites, and to the ideology of statecraft.

After Collapse blazes new examine trails in either archaeology and the research of social switch, demonstrating that the archaeological list usually deals extra clues to the “dark a long time” that precede regeneration than do text-based stories. It opens up a brand new window at the earlier by means of transferring the point of interest clear of the increase and fall of historical civilizations to their usually extra telling fall and rise.

Bennet Bronson, Arlen F. Chase, Diane Z. Chase, Christina A. Conlee, Lisa Cooper, Timothy S. Hare, Alan L. Kolata, Marilyn A. Masson, Gordon F. McEwan, Ellen Morris, Ian Morris, Carlos Peraza Lope, Kenny Sims, Miriam T. Stark, Jill A. Weber, Norman Yoffee

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Though no historical evidence of Amorite rule is extant for Umm el-Marra specifically, archaeological evidence from Umm el-Marra—in conjunction with historical evidence for Syria at large—suggests that Amorites contributed to the city’s reorganization in the early second millennium bc. Evidence from Umm el-Marra Tell Umm el-Marra (fig. 2) is located in the Jabbul Plain of western Syria, midway between the Euphrates River and Aleppo. At approximately twentyfive hectares, Umm el-Marra is the largest Bronze Age site in the Jabbul, historically an important conduit between western Syria and Mesopotamia (Curvers and Schwartz 1997:203–4).

Despite such political asymmetry, diplomatic ties and interdynastic marriages cemented links between cities while establishing filial networks among polities of differing rank. Competition among cities was continual, as were changes in alliances prompted by military conquest (Astour 1992). One of the most disruptive of such conquests was that by the Akkadian empire from its center in Mesopotamia circa 2300 bc. This conquest resulted in the disruption or termination of the ruling dynasty at Ebla and the presence of Akkadian rulers in the Khabur Valley of eastern Syria at Brak and perhaps at Shekhna (modern Leilan), and at Urkesh (modern Mozan), to name a few important cities.

Umm el-Marra’s MB II architectural and cultic changes accompanied profound economic growth. While the Acropolis West was the sole locus of a production focus on equid hides in MB I, this production had spread throughout the Acropolis by late MB II. As the scale of the operation increased, so too did its intensity; equid bone remains for this period amount to nearly 40 percent of the total count and over 60 percent of the weight of all bones excavated on the Acropolis. The bone waste discarded on the Acropolis, particularly the profusion of extremities (Serjeantson 1989a:5; Stol 1983:529 §5) and the preponderance of juvenile and wild animals (Reed 1972:36–37; Serjeantson 1989b:131), represents the by-products of hide production.

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