Biotechnology in Latin America: politics, impacts, and risks by Patrick N. Peritore

By Patrick N. Peritore

Different demanding situations posed via the expansion of biotechnology were keenly felt in Latin the US. This paintings examines how biotechnology could be made to serve constructing international locations instead of supply one other course for exploitation via First-World undefined.

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9 Most biotech start-up firms seek forward integration, moving from research to manufacturing and marketing. They seek the required venture capital from stock issues, and corporate investment through limited R&D partnerships in specific product lines. 10 Transnational corporations and biotech companies have been engaging in ''virtual integration" or mutually dependent strategic relationships that trade research for immediate marketing, manufacturing, and distribution, and longer-term licensing, acquisitions, and partnerships.

About 450 to 600 of these companies are outside the United States. There were ninety-five equity purchases by large corporations of small biotech firms between 1988 and 1993. 6 billion. 3 Start-up firms have a paper valuation of $20 to $30 billion. 9 billion (about comparable to IBM's efforts in R&D), and the sector employed about eighty thousand persons. 4 Venture-capital financing has doubled for the biotech sector. In 1988 these companies raised $303 million, in 1992 $217 million, and in 1993 $459 million for 109 firms.

Indeed, the political and legal responses to biotechnology have been largely fragmentary and incomplete. The political, Page xxiii social, and economic adjustments that this technology will demand of us will be profound, and we must begin by considering a uniform rational framework of national and international regulations, a world treaty regime, to benefit the development of the science, prevent the risks that it raises, and protect the disadvantaged from expected impacts. This volume contributes to the debate about biotechnology by focusing on Latin America.

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